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Kra-Dai and Austronesian

Austro-Tai is the name given to the hypothesis that the Austronesian language family and the Tai-Kadai language family are genetically related. Austronesian languages are primarily spoken in Taiwan, islands of Southeast Asia and the Pacific, while Tai-Kadai languages are spoken in mainland Southeast Asia, South China, and Assam (India). Lexical similarities between Tai languages and Austronesian was recognized by Schlegel in 1901. However, the hypothesis that Tai-Kadai linguistic stock to which Tai languages belong is genetically related to Austronesian was first proposed by Benedict in 1942, suggesting that their relationship was a sister relationship. This insinuates that Tai-Kadai languages and Austronesian languages evolved from a parent language that's named as Proto-Austro-Tai. Pre-Austronesian then split from Proto-Austro-Tai and moved to Taiwan where it developed independently. In 1993, Laurent Sagart published a dozen putative cognates between Chinese and Austronesian, claiming that the two languages are genetically related. At that time, his view was that Tai-Kadai was a sub-group of Sino-Tibetan and thus it belonged to this Sino-Austronesian stock. In 2005, Laurent Sagart changed his proposal to connect Tai with Austronesian rather than with Sino-Tibetan, although he still maintains that Sino-Tibetan and Austronesian are genetically related. In this new proposal, he argues that Tai-Kadai is a sub-branch of Austronesian. In the same year (2005), weera Ostapirat presented a convincing evidence for a genetic link between Kra-Dai (as he calls Tai-Kadai) and Austronesian. Ostapirat suggests that the relationship between these two language families is a sister relationship.

Lexical items showing the genetic relationship between Austronesian
and Kra-Dai (Ostapirat 2013)
English Austronesian Kra-Dai
Blood daRaq pɤla:c
Bone CuqelaN Kudɤ:k
Ear Caliŋa qɤrɤ:
Eye maCa maTa:
Hand (qa)lima (C)imɤ:
Nose ujuŋ>ijuŋ (ʔ)idaŋ
Tongue Sema (C)əma:
Tooth nipen lipan
Dog asu Kama:
Fish Sikan bala:
Horn (quRuŋ) Paqu:
Louse KuCu KuTu:
Fire Sapuj (C)apuj
Stone batu KaTi:l
Sun qalejaw Kada:w 'star'
Water daNum (C)aNam
I aku aku:
Thou iSu, Simu isu:, amɤ:
One isa/esa itsɤ:
Two duSa sa:
Die ma-aCay maTa:j
Name ŋajan (C)ada:n
Full penuq pəti:k
New baqeRuh (C)ama:l

Ostapirat once concluded that: "It does not seem likely that the very high number of roots between Kra-Dai and Austronesian that emerge from the core list could be accidental or simply result from borrowings". In commenting on Thurgood's claims that there are no regular sound correspondences between the Kra-Dai and Austronesian families, Ostapirat explained that they are the result of Thurgood's being unaware of crucial data from little known languages, and of the inadequacy of some of his Proto-Kra-Dai reconstructions.

Sun = 'eye of the day'

Matthias Urban, in 2010, presented a paper discussing the way some Asian languages describes the Sun as 'eye of the day'. In Malay, the Sun is mata hari in which mata means 'eye' and hari means 'day'. Proto-Austronesian etymon for 'sun' is reconstructed as *maCa nu qalejaw. In Tai languages, it generally is expressed as ta van where ta means 'eye' and van means 'day'. He noted that according to data from 'The world atlas of language structures' the occurence of this phenomenon is remarkably restricted areally. This phenomenon occurs only in Southeast Asia and the Pacific where Austronesian languages are spoken. The only language outside these areas that exhibits the same pattern is San Mateo Del Mar Huave, a language isolate of Mexico, where ‘sun’ is teat nüt, literally ‘father of the day’. Tetum, an Austronesian language belonging to Central Malayo-Polynesian branch that's spoken in East Timor, has the simplex term loro for ‘sun’, on the basis of which an optional, and seemingly semantically redundant, compound loro-matan ‘sun-eye’ is formed.

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Data from the world atlas of language structures
After collecting more data for Austroasiatic family from the Mon-Khmer comparative dictionary, for Austronesian from Tryon (1995b) including Austronesian languages of Taiwan (“Formosan languages”), for Tai-Kadai languages from L-Thongkum (1994) and for Hmong Mien languages from extant dictionaries, he came up with the following map:

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In the Tai-Kadai language Nung Fahn Sling, the Sun has its form as phἀ vahn, literally ‘cover day’. And in other Nung languages, the Sun is expressed as tha van, literally means 'eye of the day'. To explain this wide but geographically contiguous distribution, Urban considered four historical scenarios:
  1. The Southeast Asian and Austronesian cases are historically independent.
  2. The expression developed in mainland Southeast Asia either through diffusion or common origin when the ancestral communities for all three language families were in closer contact or formed a single language-community.
  3. The expression was innovated in Proto–Malayo-Polynesian (PMP), the ancestor of the non-Formosan AN languages, and then spread into mainland Southeast Asian languages through contact with Chamic or Malay.
  4. The expression was innovated in mainland Southeast Asia (“possibly Austroasiatic”), and was then borrowed into PMP.

The Nùng Dín of Vietnam and the Nong Zhuang (侬壮) of Yunnan, China

In 2008, Eric C. Johnson published a paper discussing about Zhuang languages of Wenshan prefecture, Yunnan in which he focused on three Zhuang subgroups, namely Nong Zhuang, Min Zhuang, and Dai Zhuang. Linguistically speaking, Nong Zhuang is phonologically close to Yang Zhuang (Dejing) and Zuojiang Zhuang. His team's own phonological analysis confirms that Nong Zhuang is the same language as the “Western Nung” described by William Gedney. The Nong Zhuang are the largest Zhuang ethnic grouping in Yunnan Province, numbering around 550,000, and are found in largest concentrations in central and southern Guangnan County, Yanshan County and Wenshan County. Smaller concentrations live in the remaining five counties: Maguan, Xichou, Malipo, Funing and Qiubei. There are five different groups within the Nong Zhuang, namely Dao Nong (道侬), Niang Nong (仰侬), Du Nong (赌侬), Ting Nong (厅侬), Jin Nong (锦侬). Their names seem to correspond to the more noticeable differences in costume among the Nong Zhuang, especially concerning the women’s headdress. The Nong Zhuang may have migrated to Yunnan from western Guangxi at some later period, as their language is more similar to some of Guangxi’s Zhuang languages.

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The Nong Zhuang in Yunnan
Eric C. Johnson noted that the Nùng languages of Vietnam, while closely related, are probably not all mutually intelligible with the Nong Zhuang language of Wenshan Prefecture. He generally implied all languages designated as Nung in northern Vietnam and overlooked a specific subgroup called Nùng Dín who live in Ha Giang and Lao Cai provinces of Vietnam. There is no comparative analysis has been done so far on the similarity between the Nung Din language and the Nong Zhuang language, but it is promising that their languages are mutually intelligible. The Nung Din live primarily in Huang Su Fi, Xin Man counties of Ha Giang and Bac Ha, Muong Khuong counties of Lao Cai. Their costume and headdress bear great resemblance to whose of the Nong Zhuang. Thomas J. Hudak (2008) referred to Nung Din language as 'western Nung', explaining that this language is linguistic isolate located much farther to the west of other varieties of Nung. It differs considerably in vocabulary from the rest of Nung dialects (languages).

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The Nùng Dín in Lao Cai
It should be mentioned that, in terms of history, during the Qin period, the term “Luoyue” (骆越) was already being used to refer to the Nong Zhuang. Zhang et al. (1999:12) state that the term “Xi’ou” (西瓯) was used to refer to the ancestors of today’s speakers of the Northern Taic languages, that is, who are now classified within the Zhuang and Bouyei nationalities in China. On the other hand, “Luoyue” referred to the ancestors of those who now speak Central and Southwestern Taic languages, now classified within China’s Zhuang and Dai nationalities.

William J. Gedney's Western Nung (Nùng Dín/Nong Zhuang)

In 1964 and 1964-69, linguist William J. Gedney obtained his data of Western Nung (or Nùng Dín/Nong Zhuang) from Muong Khuong (mɯɤŋ4 kʰɯɤŋ1),  Ban Lao (ba:n3 law5), Muong Thin (mɯɤŋ4 tʰin5 na:4) refugees living in Vientiane, Laos. Muong Khuong and Ban Lao are located in Vietnamese side of the Sino-Vietnamese border, whereas Muong Thin is located in Chinese side of the Sino-Vietnamese border.

Western Nung's lexical items collected by William J. Gedney
English Western Nung (IPA)
to strain cii1
to borrow cii2
how many cii3
flag cii4
to point cii6
to soak cii5
dipnet bak6
to level ground cak4
flower dɔk2
child luk5
to go paj1
to light tem3
to eat cin1
before kɔn2
saddle ʔa:n1
we pʰɯ:1
closely placed tʰi:2
pungent cʰuŋ3
rice kʰaw3
village ba:n3
navel dɯj1
to burn maj3
water nam6
to flee ɲi:1
snake ŋu:4
comb vi:1
dry field ðaj5
to dry leŋ6
to be at jiw2
to fence hom6
to converge cʰon3
eight (8) pɛt2
six (6) cʰɔk6
first ciŋ1
to steam nɯŋ3
hole ðu:4
tendon jen4
gums ŋɤk2
neck ho:4
to cut hɛ:5
just sak6
root la:k5
base kɔk6
wrinkle šiw2
to flee tew4
to embroider sɛw3
to blow paw2
to announce pa:w2
to wash sɯj2
kind of nut tuj2
to cough ʔaj1
to clear weeds ba:j1
sugarcane ʔɔj3
light (not heavy) naɰ3

Western Nung has six tones: 1-low rising /14/ 2-low-falling /21/ 3-mid-low level, glottalized /22/ 4-mid-high level /44/ 5-mid-falling /31/ 6-high level, glottalized /55/

Nùng Cháo/Longzhou Zhuang

Nùng Cháo is a subgroup of the Nùng whose language is classified into Cetral Tai branch of Tai family. Their origin can be traced back to Longzhou county of Guangxi. The Nùng Cháo live in some parts of Lang Son and Cao Bang provinces of Vietnam. In 1935, linguist Li Fang Kuei obtained linguistic data in the town of Lungchow (Longzhou) and subsequently published it in 1940 along with folk takes, stories, ad poems. His data shows a great resemblance to the Nùng Cháo's language that was collected later by other researchers. It should be pointed out that there exists another Central Tai group living in Jinlong area of Longzhou county called Tày. Though differing in ethonym, but the Tay of Jinlong are in fact a Longzhou Zhuang group. They claim that their ancestors came originally from Hải Dương (海陽) province, south of the Red River midway between Hanoi and Haiphong, beginning some 14 generations previously (around 600 years ago). They migrated to the north via Thái Nguyên (太原), Bắc Ninh (北寧), Sơn Tây (山西), and Cao Bằng (高平), then moved east across the border to Jinlong.

As a Central Tai langauge, Nung Chao/Longzhou Zhuang possesses a distinct word for cow mɔ:3 that does not exist in Southwestern Tai languages ŋua. Linguists have been puzzled over this difference in a very basic word between these two major branches of Tai family which, otherwise, should have been cognates. The following table shows a lexical comparison between Nùng Cháo and Li Fang Kuei's Lungchow.

English Nùng Cháo (IPA) Lungchow (IPA)
to bind pʰŭk35 pʰuk55
to come ma:31 ma:31
sugar tʰɯŋ33 tʰɪ̈ɪ̈ŋ33
to arrive tʰɯ̆ŋ33 tʰɪ̈ŋ33
animal tu:33 tu:33
bean tʰu:35 tʰu:55
ear hu:33 hu:33
rightside ɬa:33 ɬa:33
ten ɬĭp35 ɬip55
bitter kʰŭm33 kʰum33
son-in-law kʰɯi33 kʰɪ̈ɪ̈i33
rice kʰău24 kʰau24
swallow nĭnʔ32 nɪ̈n24
palm hand pʰa:24 pʰa:24
to weave tăm35 tam55
wide kwa:ŋ24 kwa:ŋ24
flesh nuʔ32 nɪ̈iʔ21
few, little noiʔ32 no:iʔ21
sunshine ɗɛ:t35 de:t55

Li's ɪ̈ is equivalent to ɯ

The Nùng of Autonomous territory of Hai Ninh

In June 1990, Christopher Hutton and Grant Evans visited Nei Ku Chau detention center in Hei Ling Chau island, Hong Kong. They were going to visit a group called Nung, assuming that this group would speak a Tai dialect. In fact, these Nung were not Tai-speaking. In the course of two days they spent there, they discovered that most of them spoke a Southern Chinese-like dialect with a resemblance to the Southern Yue dialects of Chinese, which these people referred to as Ngai, they also termed themselves Nung or Nung people as a group. Some members of the group spoke both Ngai and another language called San Diu/San Y/Xanh Y. It appeared that speakers of San Diu/San Y were in the progress of assimilating into the Ngai. These "Chinese Nung" were in general either born in Quang Ninh province, in northeast Vietnam, or the children of parents born in North Vietnam or China who had gone south after 1954. They had been denied refugee status, though they claimed family links to the South Vietnam army. It's worth stressing that Hutton presented a case of a detainee by the name of Mr V. as an illustration for the difficult situation that these Chinese Nung were facing to at that time. Mr V. was born in 1929 of newly migrated parents, in Tien Yen, Quang Ninh province. His parents came from Fengcheng in Guangdong (now Guangxi) province, involving in domestic paper manufacturing. He served in French army and went south in 1954 along with 50,000 Chinese Nung from Mong Cai. Subsequently, he fought in South Vietnamese army until getting wounded, then continued to serve as a driver. After 1975 his family lived in Dong Nai province, and was subjected to discrimination. They came to Hong Kong in 1989, via China; Mr V. and his family crossed the border at Mong Cai, retracing the journey his parents had made in the late 1920s. In spite of his military service, Mr V. was denied refugee status. At the same time, he could not be sent back to Vietnam since being regarded by its government as a non-national. He held the Republic of China (Taiwanese) papers, but these papers did not grant the right of abode in Taiwan. Of 17 'Nung' detainees that Hutton and Grant Evan interviewed, only two characterized themselves as Chinese. Fifteen described themselves as Nung, and of those fifteen, nine saw themselves as Chinese Nung, or as both Nung and Chinese. Several made the explicit statement that Nung was a form of Chineseness. Only one used the term Ngai as an ethnic designation. In 1954, their family had come south from Hai Ninh autonomous territory, and had lived in Saigon, Song Mao, or in Xuan Loc. In order to understand the historical origin of this Chinese Nung group, it's important to emphasize that Vaillant, a French doctor, in 1920 mentioned the Hakka migration to the area of Mong Cai in 1828 and 1832, and then from 1864-1866. These Hakka arrivals displaced an early Chinese migrant tribe, the "Outong". In French scholarly literature, the Chinese ethno-linguistic categories of Hakka and Cantonese were intertwined in complex ways with Nung, Ngai, and so forth. The category of baahkwá (Pạc Và in Vietnamese) also appears frequently. Georges Maspero (1929), emphasized the linguistic continuity between the Chinese of northeastern Vietnam and China when describing the presence of Hakka and Cantonese villages near Mong Cai. However, André Haudricourt (1960) gave a range of categories for ethnic Chinese groups in Mong Cai on a continuum from Cantonese to Hakka: Cantonese Nung, San Chi, Ngai, San Gieu (San Diu), Maalao, Hakka. Nung and San Chi were grouped under Cantonese, whereas Ngai and San Gieu (San Diu) were categorized as kinds Hakka. The article ended with the postulation that San Diu was a product of Yao switching to Hakka, and Hakka were the products of sub-stratum influence from Thai (Tai) and Yao respectively.
  hai-ninh-mapv1

In 1978, Vietnamese government survey reported that 54 main ethnic groups were identified; the Hoa or ethnic Chinese were listed as the 4th largest group, the Nung as seventh, and the Ngai as eleventh. While this survey did not give population figures, this ranking of the Ngai suggested a population of at least 120,000. In this list, the Nung were classified as a Tai group. the Hoa and the Ngai were listed separately, though they were both categorized (along with the San Diu) as speakers of Han languages. It's worth mentioning that in an official report on the population of different ethnic groups in 2009, the Ngai were numbered only 1,035, declining drastically from a population of 4,841 in the year of 1999.
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In a book titled The Nung Ethic and Autonomous Territory of Hai Ninh-Vietnam (2008:42), a document focuses merely on the area of Mong Cai (Autonomous Territory of Hai Ninh) and its main population—the Chinese Nung, it is reported that the 'Nung' constituted 72% Hai Ninh’s population. They were made up from 4 principal tribes, namely Tsin Lau, Ngai, San Diu and Hakka. Additionally, without any citation, it gives a short description of the origin of the Tai-speaking people in this area who are referred to under the name of "Thai" and "Tho". These two ethonyms were once designated to the present-day Tay and Nung. The description goes as follows:
The Thai came from Yunnan. They gradually pushed the Tsin Lau and the Ngai to the coastal areas. There were many bloody battles at the confluence of Tien Yen River and Pho Cu (Cau Cai) River where thousands of people were killed. The Tsin Lau suffered heavy losses, so they allied themselves with the Ngais, a more populous tribe, to fight against the Thai. Unable to get accustomed to life in the seaside region, the Thai moved back to inland areas upon reaching the coast, leaving a number of their relics at some villages with Thai names such as Na Sin, Na Pac of Mon cay District, and Na Pa of Dam Ha District. Unlike the Thai, the Tho came later from the GuangTsi region. They fought each other when the Thai found their ways to move inland. At last, the Thai flocked into the valleys of rivers Tien Yen and Pho Cu. As time passed, the Thai and the Tho were living together, presently in Dinh Lap in particular. Traditions and habits mingled, and they were all considered Tho, including the Binh Lieu area with villages of Thai immigrants.
Although, there is no merit in this book, but it provides a hint of a long presence of the Tai speakers who are now classified as Nung and Tay in the Mong Cai area.

Geographical distribution of proto-Tai

The origin and the geographical distribution of proto-Tai have long been a hot debate among scholars specialized in Southeast Asian linguistics and sinology. The present-day Tai-Kadai linguistic stock does not occupy the coastal area of mainland China, however, there is evidence for very ancient Tai substrata in Han dialects spoken in south China coast. In all of the southern Chinese dialects there are many colloquial words that are never written down and for which, in fact, no written graphs exist. They represent various linguistic layers, including the oldest, non-Sinitic substrata. Before the arrival of the ethnic Han immigrants to south China during the Han dynasties (206 B.C-A.D. 220), the southern China was occupied by peoples who are thought to speak proto-Daic language. It is possible that Wu, Min, and Cantonese originated through the mixing of an early form of Old Southern Chinese with an early form of Tai. Contemporary scholars agreed that after the arrival of the ancient Chinese in South China, Daic speakers who remained near the coast were eventually absorbed by the Chinese. According to some records of ancient Yue language, including Yueren Ge (越人歌), Weijialing (维甲令), and Yuejueshu (越绝书), the ancient Yue language scattered throughout ancient South China was in fact spoken by the ancestors of Kam-Tai people. The situation was unchanged until the destruction of the Yue kingdom by the Chu kingdom. After that, the ancient Chu language was gradually replaced by the ancient Yue language that became the basis of several modern southern Chinese dialects. In 1996, Robert Bauer presented a lexical comparison between Cantonese and Tai-Kadai languages as follows:
Gloss Cantonese (IPA) Tai-Kadai (IPA)
young chicken which has not laid eggs kɐj1 hɔ:ŋ2 kai5 ha:ŋ6 Zhuang-Wuming
to step on, tread (1) ja:ŋ5 jâ:ŋ Thai
to step on, tread (2) njɐm5 ɲam Lao
to wink, blink (1) tsa:p7b dʑɑp7 Buyi
to wink, blink (1) jɐp7 jɑp7 Dong
excrement kʰɛ:1 kʰî:7 Thai
to cover (1) kʰɐm3 kʰɔ:m6 Li-Quandui
to cover (2) kʰɐp7a kʰop7 Li-Tongshi
to cover (3) kɛm3 kəm5a Dong
to cover (4) kɐp7a kəp8 Maonan
to cover (5) kʰiam3 kʰlu:m2 Thai
to press down kɐm6 kam6 Buyi
frog kɐp7b na:3 kòp Thai
to bite kʰɐp8 kʰòp Thai
pen, coop lok8 kʰɔ̂:k Thai
to scald, boil, burn lok8 luâk Thai
to collapse, topple, fall down (bldg.) lɐm5 lóm Thai
to step across la:m5 ɲa:m2 Li-Xifang
to slip off, come off lɐt7a lùt Thai

Bauer noted that the distinction between long and short vowels found in the Yue dialects sets them apart from all other Han dialect groups which do not make use of differences in vowel length. The Tai languages also distinguish between long and short vowels but do so on an even larger scale than is found in Cantonese. In the early 1980s, a Zhuang linguist by the name of Wei Qingwen electrified the scholarly community in Guangxi by using reconstructed Old Chinese to identify the language of the 越人歌 or Yueren Ge 'Song of the Yue Boatman' as a language ancestral to Zhuang. This song is found in the 善说 Shanshuo chapter of the Shuoyuan 说苑 or ‘Garden of Persuasions’. Its lyrics was recorded phonetically in which a Chinese character is used to transcribe a syllable in the non-Chinese language of the song. It is important to mention that this song tells the story of Zhuang Xin 莊莘 (some say dating from 528 BC, based upon reports of when the personages involved in this story lived). Zhuang Xin was an official of the Chu Kingdom 楚国, who by chance glimpsed a prince 襄成 Xiang Cheng with retainers on a dock waiting to cross a river. He hurried to pay his respects and was rebuffed by the nobleman when he offered his hand. He washed and returned, saying that his Lordship must know the story of a certain Marquis E 鄂 who, some time before, was so warmly greeted by a boatman, with oars lofted singing a paean to honor his distinguished client.
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Map of the Warring States period (5th century BC)
The Marquis could not understand the Yue language so he requested that the song lyrics be translated into the Chu language and was so moved by the words he shook out his sleeves and covered the boatman in his cloak. Zhuang noted that he, as an official, was not as lowly in status as the boatman; and the Prince, was not as elevated in office as the Marquis, and thus they should not disrespect one another. The Prince chastened by these words apologized. In 1991, Zhengzhang Shangfang followed Wei’s insight but used Thai script for comparison. Thai was chosen because it retains an archaic spelling system and has been documented in written records since the late 13th century. Zhengzhang Shangfang's interpretation is given below with Thai script, Chinese script and Chinese glosses being omitted.

Old Chinese ɦgraams ɦee brons tshuuʔ ɦgraams
Historical Thai phonetic values glamx ɦee blɤɤn cɤɤ, cɤʔ glamx
English glosses evening ptl. joyful to meet evening
Zhengzhang's English translation Oh, the fine night, we meet in happiness tonight!
Old Chinese la thjang<khliang gaah draag la thjang tju<klju
Historical Thai phonetic values raa diaangh kraʔ- ʔdaak raa djaangh cɛɛu
English glosses We, I be apt to shy, ashamed We, I be good at to row
Zhengzhang's English translation I am so shy, ah! I am good at rowing.
Old Chinese tju khaamʔ tju jen ɦaa dzin sa
Historical Thai phonetic values cɛɛu khaamx cɛɛu jɤɤnh ɦaa djɯɯnh saʔ
English glosses to row to cross to row slowly ptl. joyful satisfy, please
Zhengzhang's English translation Rowing slowly across the river, ah! I am so pleased
Old Chinese moons la ɦaa tjau<kljau daans dzin lo
Historical Thai phonetic values mɔɔn raa ɦaa caux daanh djin ruux
English glosses dirty, ragged we, I ptl. prince Your Excellency acquainted know
Zhengzhang's English translation Dirty though I am, ah! I made acquaintance with your highness the Prince.
Old Chinese srɯms djeʔ<gljeʔ sɦloi gaai gaa
Historical Thai phonetic values zumh caï rɯaih graih gaʔ
English glosses to hide heart forever, constantly to yearn ptl.
Zhengzhang's English translation Hidden forever in my heart, ah! is my adoration and longing.

Zhengzhang notes that ‘evening, night, dark’ bears the C tone in Wuming Zhuang xamC2 and ɣamC2 ‘night’. The item raa normally means ‘we inclusive’ but in some places, e.g. Tai Lue and White Tai ‘I’.